That is what Reagan told the Tower Commission, which he established to investigate and report on the scandal.

In its final report, the Tower Commission said: "The president told the board on Jan. 26, 1987, that he did not know that the NSC had engaged in helping the contras. The board is aware of no evidence to suggest that the president was aware of Lt. Col. North's activities."

Poindexter goes on trial March 5 on charges of concealing from Congress North's assistance to the contras and lying about a 1985 shipment of Hawk missiles to Iran. Poindexter's lawyers sought Reagan's testimony to show that their client had the president's approval for his actions.

Reagan has already answered written questions under oath for the Iran-contra independent counsel. His answers have remained secret, but indications are that he gave answers along the lines of those he gave to the Tower Commission. A statement by US Judge Gerhard A. Gesell in the criminal trial of North last year gives that impression.

North's attorneys sought access to the written answers for their defense, but the judge said his examination of them offered no evidence that Reagan authorized North to commit any illegal acts. He therefore saw no reason to turn them over to the former Marine officer.

"The court has examined President Reagan's responses to extensive interrogatories furnished by him under oath to the grand jury . . . during the investigatory stages of this matter," Gesell's order said. "Nothing there even remotely supports an authorization."

But Reagan has also taken what appeared to be just the opposite position on his role. On May 16, 1987, Reagan said publicly: "I was very definitely involved in the decisions about support" of the contras. "It was my idea to begin with."

While there is some ambiguity as to whether Reagan was referring to the illegal National Security Council activities, other disclosures, many of them from North's trial, suggest that Reagan may have known more than he has acknowledged.

A number of documents, some initialed or signed by Reagan, make at least indirect reference to the illegal contra resupply effort.

One memo, dated Feb. 19, 1985, and bearing the handwritten initials "RR," indicates that the president approved a plan to provide "incentives" to Honduras for its support of the contras.

A letter dated Feb. 22, sent to President Roberto Suazo Cordova of Honduras and signed by Reagan, affirms his commitment to the contras and expresses the hope that Honduras "will continue" to help.

Over the following weeks, documents in North's trial showed, $ 35 million in arms deliveries to Honduras were accelerated, and economic aid was increased by $ 75 million.

Another initialed memo, dated July 28, 1986, is from Poindexter telling the president of an investigation of a former mercenary named Jack Terrell, who was providing details of North's contra network to the press.

"Terrell is also believed to be involved with various congressional staffs in preparing for hearings and inquiries regarding the role of US government officials in illegally supporting the Nicaraguan resistance," the memo, cited in a footnote of the congressional Iran-contra hearings, said in part. The memo recommended that an investigation of Terrell be started.

A third initialed memo, originally classified "top secret" and dated Oct. 30, 1985, was written by North to the national security adviser at the time, Robert McFarlane. It asked for presidential approval for an operation in which SR-71 and U-2 spy planes would take photographs and undertake eavesdropping operations to assist a contra attack on some Sandinista supply ships.

The memo related that the intelligence information was to be airdropped to the contras, along with two 106mm recoilless rifles to be used in sinking the ships.

In addition, testimony at North's trial by a former top aide to William Casey, then the director of central intelligence, stated that Casey said he had discussed with Reagan the need to resupply the contras despite congressional bans and Reagan agreed that North would take over that task.

Poindexter's lawyers had a list of 154 questions, many of them based on these same allegations, that they planned to ask Reagan. Whether he stuck to his contention of ignorance or modified it in small ways could well determine whether Poindexter is convicted in his trial.